Imperfect in Italian irrealis conditionals
- Authors
- Publication Date
- Jan 01, 2024
- Source
- HAL-Descartes
- Keywords
- Language
- English
- License
- Unknown
- External links
Abstract
Italian irrealis conditionals with a double imperfect (Imperfetto Irrealis) have puzzling temporal and aspectual properties: unlike well-known core uses (continuative, progressive, habitual/generic) of Romance imperfects to describe an eventuality as past, they allow for the whole range of temporal interpretations, namely, the events described by the protasis and the apodosis can be past, present or future; in addition, the ongoingness condition characteristic of those core uses is not relevant anymore, since the events described by the protasis and the apodosis are seen as culminated. Imperfetto Irrealis are also puzzling for their modal properties: unlike the other indicative conditionals, which are generally interpreted as epistemic, they express counterfactual meaning. By relying on data of mixed CFs (in which an Imperfetto combines with a past Subjunctive or a past Conditional), we show that Imperfetto Irrealis are closer to two pasts CFs than to one past CFs. The data suggest that, in spite of the latitude of their temporal interpretations, Imperfetto Irrealis preserve the true past tense active in core uses of Romance imperfects. Building on a previous analysis of imperfective sentences in Del Prete (2013), combined with crucial insights on CF semantics from Ippolito (2004, 2006), Arregui (2005) and Anand and Hacquard (2010), we propose a formal account of Imperfetto Irrealis which allows a partially unified view of the semantics of the Imperfetto across conditional and non-conditional uses. The main insight making this partial unification possible bears on the morphosyntactic structure of Imperfetto Irrealis and is inspired by previous formal analyses of CFs (Iatridou 2000, Ippolito 2006, Ferreira 2016): the two realizations of the Imperfetto found in this type of conditional are the morphosyntactic reflexes of a single higher PAST+IPFV, therefore the true semantically active Imperfetto is not situated where one can see/hear the Imperfetto morphology but higher in the syntactic structure.
